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The green revolution

Ed Miliband’s 1,000-page opus is big on aspiration but short on detail, say industry chiefs, and Labour’s low-carbon dreams will remain just that without investment.

Last October Ed Miliband, the former Cabinet Office minister and confidant of Gordon Brown, was given one of the hardest jobs in government. Chosen to head the new Department for Energy and Climate Change, he was tasked with charting a path to revolution.

New Labour has long spoken of a future in which Britain would be ringed by thousands of windmills, turning in the breeze to create pure, pollution-free power.

Dirty old coal-fired power stations would bury their harmful exhaust deep underground; underwater turbines would draw energy from the tides. Our homes would be kitted out with smart meters to give us by-the-minute updates on our energy use and carbon footprint.

The vision was there. What was missing was the detail, and it was up to Miliband and his team at the cutting-edge energy department to provide it.

Last week, he revealed the fruits of that labour. The documents comprising the latest iteration of the government’s plan for a green future weighed in at more than 1,000 pages.

They contained a few firsts. The government finally admitted in stark terms that energy bills will have to rise – by 17% for business and 8% for households – to decarbonise the economy.

It broadly laid out how the £150 billion investment required over the next 20 years will be distributed (offshore wind looks like the biggest winner).

Every government department was given a carbon budget. More than 400,000 “green jobs” are expected to be created and no fewer than half a dozen quangos will be set up to oversee the transition to deliver an 18% cut in carbon emissions from present levels by 2020.

Industry, however, was sceptical. It has seen targets come and go before. This is Labour’s fourth energy white paper since Creating a Low Carbon Economy was published in 2003. It is by far the most comprehensive but many of the hardest questions remain unanswered.

How does the government propose to kickstart investment that has plummeted by a third in the past year? Will it step in with a new mechanism if the carbon price remains low? And no new details were given on how the byzantine planning process, the bane of the stuttering revolution, will be reformed.

New Energy Finance, the alternative-energy research firm, described the white paper as “old wine in new bottles” containing “hardly any . . . strikingly new measures to support the industry”.

Instead of a bold, detailed plan, what was produced was a repackaging of previously published programmes. “There isn’t a lot new here,” said Paul Golby, chief executive of Eon UK, the gas and electricity provider. “Policy papers are great but there isn’t a sufficient sense of urgency. Without the details and timetables showing how they are going to reach these targets, policy papers become aspirations,” he said.

Over the next 11 years, the heaviest burden will fall on the power companies. Britain’s power stations, most of which burn coal or gas, produce more pollution than any other source, accounting for about a third of UK carbon emissions.

Today only 6% of our power comes from renewable sources. By 2020, the government envisages a fivefold increase to 30%.

David Porter, head of the Association of Electricity Producers, said: “Both in money terms and in the number of projects, this is the biggest undertaking the electricity industry has ever had to make.”

Wind and nuclear power will be the biggest components of the change. It is estimated that 7,000 wind turbines, both offshore and onshore, will need to be built. Today there are 2,357.

Few think this will happen. Most new wind power sources are envisaged as enormous farms out at sea. This will require even more back-up plants to be built so that power can be provided when the wind isn’t blowing. What is more, laying the hundreds of miles of cables to connect them to the grid will be a hugely complex task. And Britain has virtually no domestic capability to build turbines.

The scale of the challenge facing the wind industry is typical of all “green” sectors. The government has portrayed our scant domestic know-how as a huge opportunity. There is nowhere to go but up, the argument goes, hence the 400,000 promised “green” jobs.

However, Britain simply doesn’t have the cash to emulate America, where the government has earmarked tens of billions of dollars in public funds to kickstart the sector. Instead, it is hoping that it can create a regulatory environment attractive enough to motivate the private sector to put up the billions that are needed.

Golby at Eon, which plans to build up to three nuclear reactors and the largest wind farm in the world, the Thames Array, is not convinced.

He said: “If there is not a clear path to payback on a new plant, we won’t build it.

It’s unclear whether the current market mechanisms will deliver that.”

Tom Murley, head of renewable-energy investment at HG Capital, was more blunt. “The UK is just a hard place to do business,” he said. “America is clearing the decks so people can do this stuff, but Britain doesn’t have that kind of money. They spent it all on bailing out the banks.

“Planning is a big issue and because of the recession the capital isn’t there. This will permeate the market for the next five to ten years.”

Miliband set aside £120m to help establish a wind industry manufacturing base in Britain but it is unclear how that money will be distributed.The government also extended a subsidy called renewable obligation certificates (ROC), meant to make wind power competitive with cheaper, dirtier forms of power by 2027 to 2037. Other low-carbon technologies, like waste-to-energy and biomass (see panel at top right), will also benefit from the extension.

The critical technologies, however, are farther off in the distance. The first of a new generation of nuclear stations is, by most estimates, a decade away. These won’t do much to help cut Britain’s carbon footprint because they will be replacing old nuclear stations going offline.

Clean coal technology, which strips carbon dioxide from the chimney exhaust of coal and gas power stations and stores it underground, could take just as long to be developed.

Recognising the size of the task, the government has relaxed a previously recommended timeline for achieving the transformation. The independent advisory Committee on Climate Change said this year that the power sector should remove virtually all emissions by 2030. This has now been pushed to 2050.

The other two main areas of focus are energy efficiency and transport. The government has extended a £3.2 billion programme, funded by the utilities, to insulate homes. It is also pushing ahead with a £7 billion process to fit the UK’s 26m homes with “smart meters” that provide real-time data on energy usage. The hope is that such measures will cut demand, thereby reducing the need for new power plants.

Transport is the area over which the government has the least control. The development of low-carbon cars will be driven not by Whitehall but carmakers responding to international fuel-efficiency standards.

The government is doing its best to encourage them but the value of a pilot scheme testing 340 electric and low-emission vehicles – “the largest in the world” – is unclear. As is a £5m project to increase bicycle parking at train stations.

What is certain is that it is all going to be very expensive – and we will be footing a big chunk of the bill, either through public subsidies or higher energy bills. The government predicts an 8% rise in household energy bills, and 17% for industry.

“None of this is going to be free,” said Garry Felgate, chief executive of the Energy Retail Association. “It’s good that the government is now being honest about it.”

Yet for all the government’s soaring aspirations, the two biggest obstacles to our green future remain money and planning.

In 2007, the top three banks lending money for renewable projects were Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley and Gold-man Sachs. Lehman no longer exists, and the other two are directing their shrunken resources elsewhere.

“None of these guys is doing much any-more and nobody has really stepped into the breach,” said Fraser McLachlan, chief executive of G-Cube, an insurer of green-energy projects. “Despite the push from government, we have seen a real drop in investment.”

According to figures from New Energy Finance, funding for renewables in Britain fell from £6.8 billion in 2007 to £4.5 billion in 2008 – far below the £7.5 billion a year the CBI says is needed, on average, over the next 20 years.

The other big worry is planning reform. It is not unusual for a wind farm, for example, to spend five years in planning – and to then get rejected. The government last year proposed the formation of an Infrastructure Planning Commission, to decide on projects of “national importance” that might otherwise be bogged down for years by local councils.

Steve Holliday, chief executive of National Grid, said: “Getting planning reform through is the next crucial step and we are very concerned that the new planning act is not yet finalised.” He added: “It’s running late and the situation will be critical if it doesn’t happen in the very near future.” The energy white paper is a commendable piece of policy, if for no other reason than the blizzard of acronyms, statistics, targets and quangos it produced. There is a danger, however, that the government is spreading its stretched resources too thinly, funding an array of initiatives so vast that no one sector gets the support that it truly needs.

“This transition is going to be a 20-to 30-year process and what we need to do now is focus on what can get us the biggest gains now,” said Murley.

“This is very scattershot. It’s like Frederick the Great said: ‘If you defend everything, you defend nothing’.”

 

Original article and credit goes to:

External Website Link www.timesonline.co.uk

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